The impact of using social media to obtain political information on presidential approval

The case of Chile, 2011-2021

Autores/as

DOI:

https://doi.org/10.7764/cdi.59.73757

Palabras clave:

Uso de redes sociales, Información política, Identificación ideológica, Chile

Resumen

Este trabajo evalúa el impacto del uso de las redes sociales para adquirir información política sobre la aprobación presidencial. Con base en la abundante literatura que asocia el uso de estas redes con el refuerzo de las opiniones entre las personas, postulamos una hipótesis que asocia el uso de las redes sociales para adquirir información política con posiciones más extremas sobre la aprobación presidencial. Las hipótesis se testearon utilizando datos de nueve encuestas nacionales realizadas en Chile –un país de ingresos mediano alto con acceso generalizado a Internet y un uso incipiente de las redes sociales– entre 2011 y 2021. Encontramos que adquirir información política en Facebook y Twitter (desde 2023, X) se asocia positivamente con una menor aprobación presidencial. Esto es especialmente fuerte en el caso de la derecha cuando hay un presidente de derecha.

Descargas

Los datos de descargas todavía no están disponibles.

Biografía del autor/a

Jorge Diego Belmar Soto, Universidad Diego Portales (Chile)

Jorge Belmar Soto, licenciado en Ciencia Política de la Universidad Diego Portales y diplomado en Análisis Político de la Universidad de Chile. Sus áreas de estudio se centran en el veto presidencial, el proceso legislativo y la opinión pública. Ha publicado en Latin American Politics and Society. Actualmente, es asistente de investigación en el proyecto Fondecyt regular #1231627 Bicameralism and executive-legislative relations in Chile.    

Vicente Faúndez Caicedo, Universidad Diego Portales (Chile)

Vicente Faúndez Caicedo, investigador asociado del Observatorio Político Electoral de la Universidad Diego Portales. Posee una licenciatura en Ciencia política y ha publicado en las revistas Journal of Legislative Studies, Política y Gobierno, y Representation.

Patricio Navia, Universidad Diego Portales (Chile) y New York University (Estados Unidos)

Patricio Navia, profesor titular de Ciencia política en la Universidad Diego Portales y profesor titular de Estudios liberales en New York University. Es director del Observatorio Político Electoral de la Universidad Diego Portales, y director del Núcleo Milenio para el Estudio de la Política, Opinión Pública y Medios en Chile. Ha publicado extensamente sobre temas de democratización, partidos políticos, opinión pública, elecciones y proceso legislativo en Chile y otros países de América Latina. 

Citas

Aruguete, N. & Calvo, E. (2018). Time to# protest: Selective exposure, cascading activation, and framing in social media. Journal of Communication, 68(3), 480-502. https://doi.org/10.1093/joc/jqy007

Bakshy, E., Messing, S., & Adamic, L. A. (2015). Exposure to ideologically diverse news and opinion on Facebook. Science, 348(6239), 1130-1132. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.aaa1160

Bartels, L. M. & Jackman, S. (2014). A generational model of political learning. Electoral Studies, 33, 7-18. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2013.06.004

Benkler, Y. (2006). The wealth of networks: How social production transforms markets and freedom. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

Boukes, M. (2019). Social network sites and acquiring current affairs knowledge: The impact of Twitter and Facebook usage on learning about the news. Journal of Information Technology & Politics, 16(1), 36-51. https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2019.1572568

Boulianne, S. (2015). Social media use and participation: A meta-analysis of current research. Information, Communication & Society, 18(5), 524-538. https://doi.org/10.1080/1369118X.2015.1008542

Bucher, T. (2012). Want to be on the top? Algorithmic power and the threat of invisibility on Facebook. New Media & Society, 14(7), 1164-1180. https://doi.org/10.1177/1461444812440159

Cabezas, J. M. & Navia, P. (2019). Presidential approval in Chile, 1990-2018: Variance in U-Shaped curves. Revista Latinoamericana de Opinión Pública, 8(2), 63-87. https://doi.org/10.14201/rlop.22354

Calvo, E. & Aruguete, N. (2018). # Tarifazo. Medios tradicionales y fusión de agenda en redes sociales (#Tarifazo. Traditional media and agenda melding in social networks sites). InMediaciones De La Comunicación, 13(1), 189-213. https://doi.org/10.18861/ic.2018.13.1.2831

Casero-Ripollés, A. (2018). Research on political information and social media: Key points and challenges for the future. Profesional De La Información, 27(5), 964-974. https://doi.org/10.3145/epi.2018.sep.01

Carlin, R. E., Love, G. J., & Martínez-Gallardo, C. (2015) Cushioning the fall: Scandals, economic conditions, and executive approval. Political Behavior, 37, 109-130. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-014-9267-3

Cifuentes Krstulovic, M. & Navia, P. (2021). El combate a la corrupción como prioridad ciudadana para la acción gubernamental: el caso de Chile, 2000-2019 (Combating corruption as a citizen priority for government action: the case of Chile, 2000-2019). Opinião Pública, 27(2), 451-475. https://doi.org/10.1590/1807-01912021272451

Dalton, R. J. (2008). Citizens Politics: Public Opinion and Political Parties in Advanced Industrial Democracies. CQ Press.

Dimitrova, D. V., Shehata, A., Strömbäck, J., & Nord, L. W. (2014). The effects of digital media on political knowledge and participation in election campaigns: Evidence from panel data. Communication Research, 41(1), 95–118. https://doi.org/10.1177/0093650211426004

Donovan, K. Kellstedt, P. M., Key, E. M., & Lebo, M. J. (2019). Motivated reasoning, public opinion, and presidential approval. Political Behavior, 42, 1201-1221. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-019-09539-8

Druckman, J. N. & Holmes, J. W. (2004). Does presidential rhetoric matter? Priming and presidential approval. Presidential Studies Quarterly, 34(4), 755–778. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-5705.2004.00222.x

Druckman, J. N., Klar, S., Krupnikov, Y., Levendusky, M., & Ryan, J. B. (2022). (Mis) estimating affective polarization. The Journal of Politics, 84(2), 1106-1117. https://doi.org/10.1086/715603

Enli, G. (2017). New media and politics. Annals of the International Communication Association, 41(3-4), 220-227. https://doi.org/10.1080/23808985.2017.1392251

Fiorina, M. (1981). Retrospective Voting in American National Elections. Yale University Press.

Guriev, S., Melnikov, N. & Zhuravskaya, E. (2021). 3G Internet and confidence in government. The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 136(4), 2533-2613. https://doi.org/10.1093/qje/qjaa040

Hollander, B. A. (2008). Tuning out or tuning elsewhere? Partisanship, polarization, and media migration from 1998 to 2006. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 85(1), 23-40. https://doi.org/10.1177/107769900808500103

Iyengar, S. (1994). Is Anyone Responsible? University of Chicago Press.

|Iyengar, S. & Kinder, D. (1987). News that matters. University of Chicago Press.

Iyengar, S. & Hahn, K. S. (2009). Red media, blue media: Evidence of ideological selectivity in media use. Journal of communication, 59(1), 19-39. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1460-2466.2008.01402.x

Jacobs, L. & Shapiro, R. (1994). Issues, candidate image, and priming: The use of private polls in Kennedy’s 1960 presidential campaign. American Political Science Review, 88(3), 527-540. https://doi.org/10.2307/2944793

Jacobson, G. C. (2016). The Obama legacy and the future of partisan conflict: Demographic change and generational imprinting. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 667(1), 72-91. https://doi.org/10.1177/0002716216658425

Joignant, A., Morales, M., & Fuentes, C. (Eds.). (2017). Malaise in Representation in Latin American Countries: Chile, Argentina, and Uruguay. Springer.

Jung, J. W. & Oh, J. (2019). Determinants of presidential approval ratings: Cross-country analyses with reference to Latin America. International Area Studies Review, 23(3), 251-267. https://doi.org/10.1177/2233865919888373

Keane, J. (2013). Democracy and media decadence. Cambridge University Press.

Kelleher, C. A., & Wolak, J. (2006) “Priming presidential approval: The conditionality of issue effects,” Political Behavior, 28, 193-210.

Kim, D., Chung, C. J., & Eom, K. (2022). Measuring online public opinion for decision making: Application of deep learning on political context. Sustainability, 14(7), 4113. https://doi.org/10.3390/su14074113

Kinder, D. (1983). Presidential Traits. University of Michigan.

Klein, E. & Robison, J. (2020). Like, post, and distrust? How social media use affects trust in government. Political Communication, 37(1), 46-64. https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2019.1661891

Kriner, D. L. & Schickler, E. (2014). Investigating the president: Committee probes and presidential approval, 1953–2006. The Journal of Politics, 76(2), 521-534. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022381613001448

Krosnick, J. A. & D. R. Kinder. (1990). Altering the Foundations of Support for the President Through Priming. American Political Science Review, 84(2), 497-512. https://doi.org/10.2307/1963531

Levendusky, M. (2013). How Partisan Media Polarize America. University of Chicago Press.

Levendusky, M. & Malhotra, N. (2016). Does Media Coverage of Partisan Polarization Affect Political Attitudes? Political Communication, 33(2), 283–301. https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2015.1038455

Lewis-Beck, M. S. & Stegmaier, M. (2000). Economic determinants of electoral outcomes. Annual Review of Political Science, 3, 183–219. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.3.1.183

Lewis‐Beck, M. S. & Stegmaier, M. (2007). Economic models of voting. In R. J. Dalton & H.D. Klingemann (Eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Political Behavior (pp 518-537). Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199270125.003.0027

Luna, J. P., Toro, S., & Valenzuela, S. (2022). Amplifying Counter-Public Spheres on Social Media: News Sharing of Alternative Versus Traditional Media After the 2019 Chilean Uprising. Social Media+ Society, 8(1). https://doi.org/10.1177/20563051221077308

Jost, J. T., Nosek, B. A., & Gosling, S. D. (2008). Ideology: Its resurgence in social, personality, and political psychology. Perspectives on Psychological Science, 3(2), 126-136. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-6916.2008.00070.x

Monteiro, R. & Vaca Narvaja, H. (2022). La polarización en las redes sociales: actores, burbujas e intensidades (Polarization in social media: actors, bubles and intensities). Temas y Problemas de Comunicación, 20, 52-62. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7447088

Mueller, J. E. (1970). Presidential Popularity from Truman to Johnson. The American Political Science Review, 64(1), 18- 34. https://doi.org/10.2307/1955610

Nannestad, P. & Paldam, M. (1997). From the Pocketbook of the Welfare Man: A Pooled Cross- Section Study of Economic Voting in Denmark, 1986-92. The British Journal of Political Science, 27(1), 119- 136. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123497220053

Navia, P. & Osorio, R. (2015). El Mercurio lies, and La Tercera lies more. Political bias in newspaper headlines in Chile, 1994–2010. Bulletin of Latin American Research, 34(4), 467485. https://doi.org/10.1111/blar.12364

Navia, P. & Perelló, L. (2019). Aventuras de una noche y compromisos de largo plazo. Aprobación presidencial de Sebastián Pinera en Chile, 2009-2014 (One-night stands and long-term commitments: Presidential approval for Sebastián Piñera in Chile, 2009–2014). Revista de Ciencia Politica, 39(1), 49-73. https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2019000100049

Navia, P. & Soto Castro, I. (2015). It’s not the economy, stupid. ¿Qué tanto explica el voto económico los resultados en elecciones presidenciales en Chile, 1999-2013? (It’s not the economy, stupid. ¿How much does the economic vote influence presidential election results in Chile, 1999-2013). Política 53(1), 161-185. https://doi.org/10.5354/0719-5338.2015.38154

Newman, N., Fletcher, R., Kalogeropoulos, A., Levy, David A. L., & Nielsen, R. K. (2018). Reuters Institute Digital News Report 2018. Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism. https://doi.org/ 10.60625/risj-f09r-ca66

Norris, P. (2000). A Virtuous Circle: Political communications in postindustrial societies. Cambridge University Press.

Pariser, E. (2011). The Filter Bubble: What the Internet Is Hiding from You. Penguin.

Peña, C. & Silva, P. (Eds.). (2022). Social Revolt in Chile: Triggering Factors and Possible Outcomes. Routledge.

Perelló, L. (2015). One of these things is sort of like the other: presidential approval and support for government management of the economy in Chile, 2006-2013. Política. Revista de Ciencia Política, 53(1), 119-160. https://doi.org/10.5354/0719-5338.2015.38153

Pérez Zafrilla, P. J. (2021). Polarización artificial: cómo los discursos expresivos inflaman la percepción de polarización política en internet (Artificial Polarisation:How Expressive Discourses Inflame the Perception of Political Polarisation on the Internet). RECERCA. Revista De Pensament I Anàlisi, 26(2). https://doi.org/10.6035/recerca.4661

Porath, W., Suzuki, J. J., Ramdohr, T., & Portales, J. C. (2015). Newspaper coverage of three presidential campaigns in Chile: Personalisation and political strategies. Bulletin of Latin American Research, 34(4), 451-466. https://doi.org/10.1111/blar.12366

Scherman, A. & Rivera, S. (2021). Social media use and pathways to protest participation: evidence from the 2019 Chilean social outburst. Social Media+ Society, 7(4). https://doi.org/10.1177/205630512110597

Settle, J. (2018). Frenemies: How social media polarizes America. Cambridge University Press.

Small, R. & Eisinger, R. M. (2020). Whither presidential approval? Presidential Studies Quarterly, 50(4), 845-863. https://doi.org/10.1111/psq.12680

Stier, S., Bleier, A., Lietz, H., & Strohmaier, M. (2018). Election Campaigning on Social Media: Politicians, Audiences, and the Mediation of Political Communication on Facebook and Twitter. Political Communication, 35(1), 50–74. https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2017.1334728

Sunstein, C. R. (2018). # Republic: Divided democracy in the age of social media. Princeton University Press. https://doi.org/10.1515/9781400890521

Tewksbury, D. & Riles, J. M. (2015). Polarization as a function of citizen predispositions and exposure to news on the Internet. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 59(3), 381-398. https://doi.org/10.1080/08838151.2015.1054996

Valenzuela, S., Bachmann, I., & Bargsted, M. (2021). The personal is the political? What do Whatsapp users share and how it matters for news knowledge, polarization and participation in Chile. Digital Journalism, 9(2), 155-175. https://doi.org/10.1080/21670811.2019.1693904

Van Aelst, P., Strömbäck, J., Aalberg, T., Esser, F., De Vreese, C., Matthes, J., Hopmann, D., Salgado, S., Hubé, N., Stępińska, A., Papathanassopoulos, S., Berganza, R., Legnante, G., Reinemann, C., Sheafer, T., & Stanyer, J. (2017). Political communication in a highchoice media environment: a challenge for democracy?. Annals of the International Communication Association, 41(1), 3-27. https://doi.org/10.1080/23808985.2017.1288551

Waisbord, S. (2018). Truth is what happens to news. On journalism, fake news, and posttruth. Journalism Studies, 19(13), 1866-1878. https://doi.org/10.1080/1461670X.2018.1492881

Yarchi, M., Baden, C., & Kligler-Vilenchik, N. (2021). Political polarization on the digital sphere: A cross-platform, over-time analysis of interactional, positional, and affective polarization on social media. Political Communication, 38(1-2), 98-139. https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2020.1785067

Zhuravskaya, E., Petrova, M. & Enikolopov, R. (2020). Political effects of the internet and social media. Annual Review of Economics, 12, 415-438. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-economics-081919-050239

Archivos adicionales

Publicado

2024-09-26

Cómo citar

Belmar Soto, J. D., Faúndez Caicedo, V., & Navia, P. (2024). The impact of using social media to obtain political information on presidential approval: The case of Chile, 2011-2021. Cuadernos.Info, (59), 71–93. https://doi.org/10.7764/cdi.59.73757